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Kurdistan Workers' Party
militamt communists PKK
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Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Kurdish Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, also called Congress for Freedom and Democracy in Kurdistan, Kurdish Kongreya Azadi u Demokrasiya Kurdistan (KADEK), or Kurdistan People’s Congress, Kurdish Kongra Gele Kurdistan (Kongra-Gel), militant Kurdish nationalist organization founded by Abdullah (“Apo”) Öcalan in the late 1970s. Although the group initially espoused demands for the establishment of an independent Kurdish state, its stated aims were later tempered to calls for greater Kurdish autonomy.
Background and formation

Although the Kurdish population has for centuries been concentrated over large parts of what are now eastern Turkey, northern Iraq, and western Iran as well as smaller parts of northern Syria and Armenia, it never achieved nation-state status. Kurdish aspirations for self-determination were often ill-received, and Kurds historically experienced persecution or pressure to assimilate in their respective countries; the Kurds of Turkey received unsympathetic treatment at the hands of the government.

Major social changes in Turkey contributed to the proliferation and radicalization of Kurdish nationalist groups in that country in the 1960s and ’70s. The PKK was among the various groups that emerged, formally founded by Öcalan in late 1978 as a Marxist organization dedicated to the creation of an independent Kurdistan. At its foundation, the PKK distinguished itself by its social makeup—its members were drawn largely from the lower classes—and its radicalism; the group espoused violence as a tenet central to its cause and demonstrated early its willingness to employ force against Kurds perceived as government collaborators and against rival Kurdish organizations.
Militancy

In 1979 Öcalan departed Turkey for Syria, where he established connections with militant Palestinian organizations. In the wake of the 1980 coup in Turkey (see Turkey: The 1980s), portions of the PKK were dispersed abroad to neighbouring countries, including Lebanon and Syria, where they received training supported by the contacts Öcalan had made with Palestinian groups there. In the early1980s, favourable relations with the Iraqi Kurdistan Democratic Party allowed for the movement of PKK militants into camps in northern Iraq, from which the PKK launched an armed campaign against Turkey in 1984. The PKK subsequently perpetrated frequent acts of terrorism and conducted guerrilla operations against a range of targets, including government installations and officials, Turks living in the country’s Kurdish regions, Kurds accused of collaborating with the government, foreigners, and Turkish diplomatic missions abroad.
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During the 1980s and ’90s, PKK attacks and reprisals by the Turkish government led to a state of virtual war in eastern Turkey. In the 1990s Turkish troops also attacked PKK bases in the so-called safe havens of Iraqi Kurdistan in northern Iraq (created in the wake of the Persian Gulf War [1990–91]), first from the air and then with ground forces. In February 1999 Öcalan was captured in Nairobi and flown to Turkey, where in June he was convicted of treason and sentenced to death; following Turkey’s abolition of the death penalty in August 2002, however, his sentence was commuted to life in prison the following October.
Moderation and negotiations

Already in the 1990s, the PKK began shifting its goals away from the pursuit of independence outright toward the attainment of autonomy and equal treatment within Turkey. Öcalan in particular began articulating a social theory that abandoned the concept of a nation-state as a solution to Kurdish woes and advocated instead for self-administration on a local level. The group’s shift in focus became more apparent after Öcalan’s imprisonment, when its activities were sharply curtailed and it made active attempts to restructure its image. Still, it resumed guerrilla attacks in 2004, and the group was thought to be the source of a number of subsequent attacks in southeastern Turkey over the next few years. In October 2007 the Turkish parliament approved military action for one year against PKK targets across the border in Iraq; a series of strikes began in December, and a ground incursion was initiated in February 2008.

Beginning in 2009, Turkish officials and PKK leaders held secret talks to explore options for peace. Negotiations faltered when the repatriation of 34 PKK fighters and refugees to Turkey in late 2009 provoked a public celebration among PKK supporters, angering Turkish officials. The negotiations continued for several more rounds before ending in 2011 without progress. During that time Turkish authorities continued to arrest members of legal Kurdish parties, usually on charges of having belonged to terrorist groups. Violence increased after talks ended, reaching its highest level in more than a decade.

A new round of peace negotiations between Turkey and the PKK was announced in December 2012. From early on, the new talks showed more promise than the ones that had ended in 2011. In March 2013 the PKK released eight Turkish hostages, and Öcalan, still in Turkish custody, declared a cease-fire, which lasted more than two years until July 2015.

Meanwhile, events within the region and within the country gave Turkey impetus and popular support for a renewed crackdown on the PKK. In 2015, amid a power vacuum caused by the Syrian Civil War and in defense against incursions from an insurgent Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL; also called the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria [ISIS]), PKK-aligned groups began establishing self-governance over large portions of northeastern Syria. The growing strength of these groups along its border and the instability throughout northern Syria made Turkey increasingly worried. A failed coup attempt in July 2016 (by members within Turkey’s armed forces) provided a pretext for an intensified crackdown on government critics, including the PKK, and for forcefully tackling matters of national security. The following month Turkey launched an offensive into northwestern Syria, aiming to keep militants away from its border and to prevent Syria’s PKK-aligned Kurds from extending their reach westward. In the years that followed, Turkey continued to target the PKK periodically and maintained an active military presence in northwestern Syria.

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